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In contrast, Gandhi's supporters argue that he did not have enough influence with the British to stop the execution, much less arrange it, but claim that he did his best to save Singh's life. Batukeshwar Dutt was cremated there on 19 July 1965 in accordance with his last wishes, as was Singh's mother, Vidyawati.
This is the best and easy way to make any decision and get enjoyed by watching a different type of online movies. The smoke from the bombs filled the Assembly so that Singh and Dutt could probably have escaped in the confusion had they met. However, in a case of mistaken identity, the plotters shot John P. They have made our great heroes terrorists in School books so that coming generations should not have much interest in reading about them. the legend of bhagat singh Allah Hafiz I was 10 years old when i first saw this piece. Mais il n'y avait aucun Indien au sein du comité. How true is that. Bhagat, Thapar and Rajguru are hanged in secrecy at 7:33 pm on 23 March 1931. Certain Sikh groups periodically attempt to reclaim Bhagat Singh as a Sikh based on Randhir Singh's writings. He was met on a of Rs. Later in 1929, when the British proposed theBhagat, along withinitiates the bombing at. Deux ans plus tard, repris le rôle dans.
They have made our great heroes terrorists in School books so that coming generations should not have much interest in reading about them. Watch full movie online in HD on. I consider it to be an act of degradation and demoralisation.
Coming soon to Europe! - A sure winner from the first shot to the last. Capture In 1929, the HSRA had set up bomb factories in Lahore and.
Bhagat Singh in 1929 Born 1907 , , now in , Died 23 March 1931 1931-03-23 aged 23 , , now in , Organization Movement In December 1928, Bhagat Singh and an associate, , fatally shot a 21-year-old British police officer, John Saunders, in , , mistaking Saunders, who was still on probation, for the British police superintendent, James Scott, whom they had intended to assassinate. They believed Scott was responsible for the death of popular Indian nationalist leader , by having ordered a in which Rai was injured, and, two weeks after which, died of a heart attack. Saunders was felled by a single shot from Rajguru, a marksman. He was then shot several times by Singh, the postmortem report showing eight bullet wounds. Another associate of Singh, , shot dead an Indian police constable, Chanan Singh, who attempted to pursue Singh and Rajguru as they fled. After escaping, Singh and his associates, using pseudonyms, publicly owned to avenging Lajpat Rai's death, putting up prepared posters, which, however, they had altered to show Saunders as their intended target. Singh was thereafter on the run for many months, and no convictions resulted at the time. Surfacing again in April 1929, he and another associate, , exploded two improvised bombs inside the in Delhi. They showered leaflets from the gallery on the legislators below, shouted slogans, and then allowed the authorities to arrest them. The arrest, and the resulting publicity, had the effect of bringing to light Singh's complicity in the John Saunders case. Awaiting trial, Singh gained much public sympathy after he joined fellow defendant in a , demanding better prison conditions for Indian prisoners, and ending in Das's death from starvation in September 1929. Singh was convicted and hanged in March 1931, aged 23. Bhagat Singh became a popular folk hero after his death. In still later years, Singh, an atheist and socialist in life, won admirers in India from among a political spectrum that included both Communists and right-wing Hindu nationalists. Although many of Singh's associates, as well as many Indian anti-colonial revolutionaries, were also involved in daring acts, and were either executed or died violent deaths, few came to be lionised in popular art and literature to the same extent as Singh. Bhagat Singh, a Sandhu , was born in 1907 to Kishan Singh and Vidyavati at Chak No. His birth coincided with the release of his father and two uncles, Ajit Singh and Swaran Singh, from jail. His family members were Sikhs; some had been active in Indian Independence movements, others had served in 's army. His ancestral village was , near the town of in district now renamed of the. His family was politically active. His grandfather, Arjun Singh followed 's Hindu reformist movement, , which had a considerable influence on Bhagat. His father and uncles were members of the , led by and. Ajit Singh was forced into exile due to pending court cases against him while Swaran Singh died at home in Lahore in 1910 following his release from jail. Unlike many Sikhs of his age, Singh did not attend the Khalsa High School in. His grandfather did not approve of the school officials' loyalty to the British government. He was enrolled instead in the , an Arya Samaji institution. In 1919, when he was 12 years old, Singh visited the site of the hours after thousands of unarmed people gathered at a public meeting had been killed. When he was 14 years old, he was among those in his village who welcomed protesters against the killing of a large number of unarmed people at on 20 February 1921. Singh became disillusioned with 's philosophy of non-violence after he called off the. Gandhi's decision followed the violent murders of policemen by villagers who were reacting to the police killing three villagers in the 1922. Singh joined the Young Revolutionary Movement and began to advocate for the violent overthrow of the British Government in India. In this historical photograph of students and staff of National College, Lahore, Singh can be seen standing fourth from the right. In 1923, Singh joined the National College in Lahore, where he also participated in extra-curricular activities like the dramatics society. In 1923, he won an essay competition set by the Punjab Hindi Sahitya Sammelan, writing on the problems in the Punjab. Inspired by the movement of , he founded the Indian socialist youth organisation in March 1926. He also joined the Hindustan Republican Association, which had prominent leaders, such as , and. A year later, to avoid an , Singh ran away to. In a letter he left behind, he said: My life has been dedicated to the noblest cause, that of the freedom of the country. Therefore, there is no rest or worldly desire that can lure me now. Police became concerned with Singh's influence on youths and arrested him in May 1927 on the pretext that he had been involved in a bombing that had taken place in Lahore in October 1926. He was released on a of Rs. He wrote for, and edited, and newspapers, published in and also contributed to low-priced pamphlets published by the Naujawan Bharat Sabha that excoriated the British. He often used pseudonyms, including names such as Balwant, Ranjit and Vidhrohi. Lala Lajpat Rai's death and killing of Saunders In 1928, the British government set up the to report on the political situation in India. Some Indian political parties boycotted the Commission because there were no Indians in its membership, and there were protests across the country. When the Commission visited Lahore on 30 October 1928, Lala Lajpat Rai led a march in protest against it. Police attempts to disperse the large crowd resulted in violence. The superintendent of police, James A. Scott, ordered the police to use batons against the protesters and personally assaulted Rai, who was injured. Rai died of a heart attack on 17 November 1928. Doctors thought that his death might have been hastened by the injuries he had received. When the matter was raised in the , the British Government denied any role in Rai's death. Bhagat was a prominent member of the HRA and was probably responsible, in large part, for its change of name to HSRA in 1928. The HSRA vowed to avenge Rai's death. Singh conspired with revolutionaries like , , and to kill Scott. However, in a case of mistaken identity, the plotters shot John P. Saunders, an Assistant Superintendent of Police, as he was leaving the District Police Headquarters in Lahore on 17 December 1928. HSRA pamphlet after Saunder's murder, signed by Balraj, a pseudonym of Chandrashekhar Azad Contemporary reaction to the killing differs substantially from the adulation that later surfaced. The Naujawan Bharat Sabha, which had organised the Lahore protest march along with the HSRA, found that attendance at its subsequent public meetings dropped sharply. Politicians, activists, and newspapers, including The People, which Rai had founded in 1925, stressed that non-co-operation was preferable to violence. The murder was condemned as a retrograde action by Mahatma Gandhi, the Congress leader, but later wrote that: Bhagat Singh did not become popular because of his act of terrorism but because he seemed to vindicate, for the moment, the honour of Lala Lajpat Rai, and through him of the nation. He became a symbol, the act was forgotten, the symbol remained, and within a few months each town and village of the Punjab, and to a lesser extent in the rest of northern India, resounded with his name. Innumerable songs grew about him and the popularity that the man achieved was something amazing. Escape After killing Saunders, the group escaped through the D. College entrance, across the road from the District Police Headquarters. Chanan Singh, a who was chasing them, was fatally injured by Chandrashekhar Azad's covering fire. They then fled on bicycles to pre-arranged safe houses. The police launched a massive search operation to catch them, blocking all entrances and exits to and from the city; the kept a watch on all young men leaving Lahore. The fugitives hid for the next two days. On 19 December 1928, Sukhdev called on , sometimes known as Durga Bhabhi, wife of another HSRA member, , for help, which she agreed to provide. They decided to catch the train departing from Lahore to en route to early the next morning. Singh and Rajguru, both carrying loaded revolvers, left the house early the next day. Dressed in western attire Bhagat Singh cut his hair, shaved his beard and wore a hat over cropped hair , and carrying Devi's sleeping child, Singh and Devi passed as a young couple, while Rajguru carried their luggage as their servant. At the station, Singh managed to conceal his identity while buying tickets, and the three boarded the train heading to Cawnpore now. There they boarded a train for since the CID at Howrah railway station usually scrutinised passengers on the direct train from Lahore. At Lucknow, Rajguru left separately for while Singh, Devi and the infant went to Howrah, with all except Singh returning to Lahore a few days later. In 1929, he proposed a dramatic act to the HSRA intended to gain massive publicity for their aims. Influenced by , a French anarchist who had bombed the in Paris, Singh's plan was to explode a bomb inside the Central Legislative Assembly. The nominal intention was to protest against the Public Safety Bill, and the Trade Dispute Act, which had been rejected by the Assembly but were being enacted by the using his special powers; the actual intention was for the perpetrators to allow themselves to be arrested so that they could use court appearances as a stage to publicise their cause. The HSRA leadership was initially opposed to Bhagat's participation in the bombing because they were certain that his prior involvement in the Saunders shooting meant that his arrest would ultimately result in his execution. However, they eventually decided that he was their most suitable candidate. On 8 April 1929, Singh, accompanied by Batukeshwar Dutt, threw two bombs into the Assembly chamber from its public gallery while it was in session. The bombs had been designed not to kill, but some members, including , the finance member of the , were injured. The smoke from the bombs filled the Assembly so that Singh and Dutt could probably have escaped in the confusion had they wished. The two men were arrested and subsequently moved through a series of jails in Delhi. Singh and Dutt eventually responded to the criticism by writing the Assembly Bomb Statement: We hold human life sacred beyond words. We are neither perpetrators of dastardly outrages... Force when aggressively applied is 'violence' and is, therefore, morally unjustifiable, but when it is used in the furtherance of a legitimate cause, it has its moral justification. The trial began in the first week of June, following a preliminary hearing in May. Doubts have been raised about the accuracy of testimony offered at the trial. One key discrepancy concerns the automatic pistol that Singh had been carrying when he was arrested. Singh was given a life sentence. Capture In 1929, the HSRA had set up bomb factories in Lahore and. On 15 April 1929, the Lahore bomb factory was discovered by the police, leading to the arrest of other members of HSRA, including Sukhdev, , and. Not long after this, the Saharanpur factory was also raided and some of the conspirators became informants. With the new information available, the police were able to connect the three strands of the Saunders murder, Assembly bombing, and bomb manufacture. Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru, and 21 others were charged with the Saunders murder. Hunger strike and Lahore conspiracy case Singh was re-arrested for murdering Saunders and Chanan Singh based on substantial evidence against him, including statements by his associates, Hans Raj Vohra and Jai Gopal. His life sentence in the Assembly Bomb case was deferred until the Saunders case was decided. He was sent to from the Delhi jail. There he witnessed discrimination between European and Indian prisoners. He considered himself, along with others, to be a. He noted that he had received an enhanced diet at Delhi which was not being provided at Mianwali. He led other Indian, self-identified political prisoners he felt were being treated as common criminals in a hunger strike. They demanded equality in food standards, clothing, toiletries, and other hygienic necessities, as well as access to books and a daily newspaper. They argued that they should not be forced to do manual labour or any undignified work in the jail. The hunger strike inspired a rise in public support for Singh and his colleagues from around June 1929. The government had to apply of the criminal code in an attempt to limit gatherings. After the meeting, he stated: I was very much pained to see the distress of the heroes. They have staked their lives in this struggle. They want that political prisoners should be treated as political prisoners. I am quite hopeful that their sacrifice would be crowned with success. He is moved by that soul, and he believes in the justice of his cause... The government tried to break the strike by placing different food items in the prison cells to test the prisoners' resolve. Water pitchers were filled with milk so that either the prisoners remained thirsty or broke their strike; nobody faltered and the impasse continued. The authorities then attempted the prisoners but this was resisted. With the matter still unresolved, the Indian Viceroy, , cut short his vacation in to discuss the situation with jail authorities. Since the activities of the hunger strikers had gained popularity and attention amongst the people nationwide, the government decided to advance the start of the Saunders murder trial, which was henceforth called the Lahore Conspiracy Case. Singh was transported to Borstal Jail, Lahore, and the trial began there on 10 July 1929. In addition to charging them with the murder of Saunders, Singh and the 27 other prisoners were charged with plotting a conspiracy to murder Scott, and waging a war against the King. Singh, still on hunger strike, had to be carried to the court handcuffed on a stretcher; he had lost 14 pounds 6. In the eyes of officials, if someone broke the law then that was a personal act, not a political one, and they were common criminals. By now, the condition of another hunger striker, , lodged in the same jail, had deteriorated considerably. The Jail committee recommended his unconditional release, but the government rejected the suggestion and offered to release him on bail. On 13 September 1929, Das died after a 63-day hunger strike. Almost all the nationalist leaders in the country paid tribute to Das' death. Singh finally heeded a resolution of the Congress party, and a request by his father, ending his hunger strike on 5 October 1929 after 116 days. During this period, Singh's popularity among common Indians extended beyond Punjab. Singh's attention now turned to his trial, where he was to face a Crown prosecution team comprising C. Carden-Noad, Kalandar Ali Khan, Jai Gopal Lal, and the prosecuting inspector, Bakshi Dina Nath. The defence was composed of eight lawyers. Prem Dutt Verma, the youngest amongst the 27 accused, threw his slipper at Gopal when he turned and became a prosecution witness in court. As a result, the magistrate ordered that all the accused should be handcuffed. Singh and others refused to be handcuffed and were subjected to brutal beating. The revolutionaries refused to attend the court and Singh wrote a letter to the magistrate citing various reasons for their refusal. The magistrate ordered the trial to proceed without the accused or members of the HSRA. This was a setback for Singh as he could no longer use the trial as a forum to publicise his views. Special Tribunal To speed up the slow trial, the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, declared an emergency on 1 May 1930 and introduced an ordinance to set up a special tribunal composed of three high court judges for the case. This decision cut short the normal process of justice as the only appeal after the tribunal was to the Privy Council located in England. On 2 July 1930, a petition was filed in the High Court challenging the ordinance on the grounds that it was ultra vires and, therefore, illegal; the Viceroy had no powers to shorten the customary process of determining justice. The petition argued that the allowed the Viceroy to introduce an ordinance, and set up such a tribunal, only under conditions of a breakdown of law-and-order, which, it was claimed in this case, had not occurred. However, the petition was dismissed as being premature. Carden-Noad presented the government's charges of conducting robberies, and the illegal acquisition of arms and ammunition among others. The evidence of G. Hamilton Harding, the Lahore superintendent of police, shocked the court. He stated that he had filed the against the accused under specific orders from the chief secretary to the governor of Punjab and that he was unaware of the details of the case. The prosecution depended mainly on the evidence of P. Ghosh, Hans Raj Vohra, and Jai Gopal who had been Singh's associates in the HSRA. On 10 July 1930, the tribunal decided to press charges against only 15 of the 18 accused and allowed their petitions to be taken up for hearing the next day. The trial ended on 30 September 1930. The three accused, whose charges were withdrawn, included Dutt who had already been given a life sentence in the Assembly bomb case. The ordinance and the tribunal would lapse on 31 October 1930 as it had not been passed by the Central Assembly or the British Parliament. On 7 October 1930, the tribunal delivered its 300-page judgement based on all the evidence and concluded that the participation of Singh, Sukhdev, and Rajguru in Saunder's murder was proven. They were sentenced to death by hanging. Of the other accused, three were acquitted Ajoy Ghosh, Jatindra Nath Sanyal and Des Raj , Kundan Lal received seven years' , Prem Dutt received five years of the same, and the remaining seven Kishori Lal, Mahabir Singh, Bijoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Verma, Gaya Prashad, Jai Dev and Kamalnath Tewari were all sentenced to transportation for life. Appeal to the Privy Council In , a defence committee drew up a plan to appeal to the Privy Council. Singh was initially against the appeal but later agreed to it in the hope that the appeal would popularise the HSRA in Britain. The appellants claimed that the ordinance which created the tribunal was invalid while the government countered that the Viceroy was completely empowered to create such a tribunal. The appeal was dismissed by. Reactions to the judgement After the rejection of the appeal to the Privy Council, Congress party president filed a mercy appeal before Irwin on 14 February 1931. Some prisoners sent Mahatma Gandhi an appeal to intervene. In his notes dated 19 March 1931, the Viceroy recorded: While returning Gandhiji asked me if he could talk about the case of Bhagat Singh because newspapers had come out with the news of his slated hanging on March 24th. It would be a very unfortunate day because on that day the new president of the Congress had to reach Karachi and there would be a lot of hot discussion. I explained to him that I had given a very careful thought to it but I did not find any basis to convince myself to commute the sentence. It appeared he found my reasoning weighty. The expressed its reaction to the case: The history of this case, of which we do not come across any example in relation to the political cases, reflects the symptoms of callousness and cruelty which is the outcome of bloated desire of the imperialist government of Britain so that fear can be instilled in the hearts of the repressed people. A plan to rescue Singh and fellow HSRA inmates from the jail failed. HSRA member Durga Devi's husband, Bhagwati Charan Vohra, attempted to manufacture bombs for the purpose, but died when they exploded accidentally. Execution Death certificate of Bhagat Singh Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev were sentenced to death in the Lahore conspiracy case and ordered to be hanged on 24 March 1931. The schedule was moved forward by 11 hours and the three were hanged on 23 March 1931 at 7:30 pm in the jail. It is reported that no magistrate at the time was willing to supervise Singh's hanging as was required by law. The execution was supervised instead by an honorary judge, who also signed the three death warrants, as their original warrants had expired. The jail authorities then broke a hole in the rear wall of the jail, removed the bodies, and secretly cremated the three men under cover of darkness outside village, and then threw the ashes into the river, about 10 kilometres 6. The Special Tribunal was a departure from the normal procedure adopted for a trial and its decision could only be appealed to the Privy Council located in Britain. The accused were absent from the court and the judgement was passed. The ordinance, which was introduced by the Viceroy to form the Special Tribunal, was never approved by the Central Assembly or the British Parliament, and it eventually lapsed without any legal or constitutional sanctity. Reactions to the executions Front page of announcing the executions The executions were reported widely by the press, especially as they took place on the eve of the annual convention of the at. The Congress party, during the session, declared: While dissociating itself from and disapproving of political violence in any shape or form, this Congress places on record its admiration of the bravery and sacrifice of Bhagat Singh, Sukh Dev and Raj Guru and mourns with their bereaved families the loss of these lives. The Congress is of the opinion that their triple execution was an act of wanton vengeance and a deliberate flouting of the unanimous demand of the nation for commutation. In the issue of Young India of 29 March 1931, Gandhi wrote: Bhagat Singh and his two associates have been hanged. The Congress made many attempts to save their lives and the Government entertained many hopes of it, but all has been in a vain. Bhagat Singh did not wish to live. He refused to apologise, or even file an appeal. Bhagat Singh was not a devotee of non-violence, but he did not subscribe to the religion of violence. He took to violence due to helplessness and to defend his homeland. For me there can be no gallows. Put me into the mouth of a cannon and blow me off. Let us bow to them a thousand times for their heroism. But we should not imitate their act. In our land of millions of destitute and crippled people, if we take to the practice of seeking justice through murder, there will be a terrifying situation. Our poor people will become victims of our atrocities. By making a dharma of violence, we shall be reaping the fruit of our own actions. Hence, though we praise the courage of these brave men, we should never countenance their activities. Our dharma is to swallow our anger, abide by the discipline of non-violence and carry out our duty. Gandhi controversy There have been suggestions that Gandhi had an opportunity to stop Singh's execution but refrained from doing so. Another theory is that Gandhi actively conspired with the British to have Singh executed. In contrast, Gandhi's supporters argue that he did not have enough influence with the British to stop the execution, much less arrange it, but claim that he did his best to save Singh's life. They also assert that Singh's role in the independence movement was no threat to Gandhi's role as its leader, so he would have no reason to want him dead. Gandhi always maintained that he was a great admirer of Singh's patriotism. He also stated that he was opposed to Singh's execution and for that matter, capital punishment in general and proclaimed that he had no power to stop it. However, there are some rights which do credit to those who possess them only if they are enjoyed in name only. God alone can take life, because he alone gives it. According to a report in the Indian magazine , he did plead several times for the commutation of the death sentences of Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev, including a personal visit on 19 March 1931. In a letter to the Viceroy on the day of their execution, he pleaded fervently for commutation, not knowing that the letter would arrive too late. Lord Irwin, the Viceroy, later said: As I listened to Mr. Gandhi putting the case for commutation before me, I reflected first on what significance it surely was that the apostle of non-violence should so earnestly be pleading the cause of the devotees of a creed so fundamentally opposed to his own, but I should regard it as wholly wrong to allow my judgement to be influenced by purely political considerations. I could not imagine a case in which under the law, penalty had been more directly deserved. He regarded Kartar Singh, the founding-member of the as his hero. Bhagat was also inspired by , another founding-member of the. Singh was attracted to and communism. He was an avid reader of the teachings of and also read , and. Singh did not believe in the ideology—which advocated Satyagraha and other forms of non-violent resistance, and felt that such politics would replace one set of exploiters with another. From May to September 1928, Singh published a series of articles on in Kirti. The word anarchism has been abused so much that even in India revolutionaries have been called anarchist to make them unpopular. There will be no chains on the body or control by the state. This means that they want to eliminate: the Church, God and Religion; the state; Private property. Historian described Singh as one of the early Marxists in India. The political theorist Jason Adams notes that he was more enamoured with Lenin than with Marx. From 1926 onward, he studied the history of the revolutionary movements in India and abroad. In his prison notebooks, he quoted Lenin in reference to imperialism and capitalism and also the revolutionary thoughts of Trotsky. When asked what his last wish was, Singh replied that he was studying the life of Lenin and he wanted to finish it before his death. In spite of his belief in Marxist ideals however, Singh never joined the. Atheism has original text related to this article: Singh began to question religious ideologies after witnessing the Hindu—Muslim riots that broke out after Gandhi disbanded the. He did not understand how members of these two groups, initially united in fighting against the British, could be at each other's throats because of their religious differences. At this point, Singh dropped his religious beliefs, since he believed religion hindered the revolutionaries' struggle for independence, and began studying the works of , , — all atheist revolutionaries. He also took an interest in 's book Common Sense. While in prison in 1930—31, Bhagat Singh was approached by , a fellow inmate, and a Sikh leader who would later found the. In the essay, he defended his own beliefs and said that he used to be a firm believer in the Almighty, but could not bring himself to believe the myths and beliefs that others held close to their hearts. He acknowledged the fact that religion made death easier, but also said that unproven philosophy is a sign of human weakness. In this context, he noted: As regard the origin of God, my thought is that man created God in his imagination when he realised his weaknesses, limitations and shortcomings. In this way he got the courage to face all the trying circumstances and to meet all dangers that might occur in his life and also to restrain his outbursts in prosperity and affluence. God, with his whimsical laws and parental generosity was painted with variegated colours of imagination. He was used as a deterrent factor when his fury and his laws were repeatedly propagated so that man might not become a danger to society. He was the cry of the distressed soul for he was believed to stand as father and mother, sister and brother, brother and friend when in time of distress a man was left alone and helpless. He was Almighty and could do anything. The idea of God is helpful to a man in distress. Towards the end of the essay, Bhagat Singh wrote: Let us see how steadfast I am. One of my friends asked me to pray. I consider it to be an act of degradation and demoralisation. For such petty selfish motives, I shall never pray. If it is, I stand for it. Great empires crumbled, while the ideas survived. Prannath Mehta, Singh's friend, visited him in the jail on 20 March, four days before his execution, with a draft letter for clemency, but he declined to sign it. The methods he used to convey his message, such as shooting Saunders, and throwing non-lethal bombs, stood in stark contrast to Gandhi's non-violent methodology. Wall painting of Singh, , Himachal Pradesh. See also: Bhagat Singh remains a significant figure in Indian iconography to the present day. His memory, however, defies categorisation and presents problems for various groups that might try to appropriate it. Pritam Singh, a professor who has specialised in the study of federalism, nationalism and development in India, notes that Bhagat Singh represents a challenge to almost every tendency in Indian politics. Gandhi-inspired Indian nationalists, Hindu nationalists, Sikh nationalists, the parliamentary Left and the pro-armed struggle Naxalite Left compete with each other to appropriate the legacy of Bhagat Singh, and yet each one of them is faced with a contradiction in making a claim to his legacy. Gandhi-inspired Indian nationalists find Bhagat Singh's resort to violence problematic, the Hindu and Sikh nationalists find his atheism troubling, the parliamentary Left finds his ideas and actions as more close to the perspective of the Naxalites and the Naxalites find Bhagat Singh's critique of individual terrorism in his later life an uncomfortable historical fact. A portrait of Singh and Dutt also adorns the walls of the. On 17 January 1961, it was transferred to India in exchange for 12 villages near the. Batukeshwar Dutt was cremated there on 19 July 1965 in accordance with his last wishes, as was Singh's mother, Vidyawati. The National Martyrs Memorial was built on the cremation spot in 1968 and has memorials of Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev. During the , the memorial was damaged and the statues of the martyrs were removed by the Pakistani Army. They have not been returned but the memorial was rebuilt in 1973. The day is also observed across the Indian state of. Exhibits include Singh's ashes, the blood-soaked sand, and the blood-stained newspaper in which the ashes were wrapped. A page of the first Lahore Conspiracy Case's judgement in which Kartar Singh Sarabha was sentenced to death and on which Singh put some notes is also displayed, as well as a copy of the with Bhagat Singh's signature, which was given to him in the Lahore Jail, and other personal belongings. The first exhibition that was organised was the Trial of Bhagat Singh, which opened on 28 September 2007, on the centenary celebrations of Singh's birth. Modern days Statues of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev at the India—Pakistan Border, near The youth of India still draw tremendous amount of inspiration from Singh. During the centenary of his birth, a group of intellectuals set up an institution named Bhagat Singh Sansthan to commemorate him and his ideals. The Parliament of India paid tributes and observed silence as a mark of respect in memory of Singh on 23 March 2001 and 2005. In Pakistan, after a long-standing demand by activists from the , the Shadman Chowk square in Lahore, where he was hanged, was renamed as Bhagat Singh Chowk. This change was successfully challenged in a Pakistani court. On 6 September 2015, the Bhagat Singh Memorial Foundation filed a petition in the Lahore high court and again demanded the renaming of the Chowk to Bhagat Singh Chowk. Films and television Several films have been made portraying the life and times of Singh. The first film based on his life was Shaheed-e-Azad Bhagat Singh 1954 in which Prem Abeed played the role of Singh followed by Shaheed Bhagat Singh 1963 , starring as Bhagat Singh, 1965 in which portrayed Bhagat Singh and Amar Shaheed Bhagat Singh 1974 in which Som Dutt portrays Singh. Three films about Singh were released in 2002 , and in which Singh was portrayed by , and respectively. In 2008, NMML and ANHAD , a non-profit organisation, co-produced a 40-minute documentary on Bhagat Singh entitled , directed by. Theatre Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru have been the inspiration for a number of plays in India and Pakistan, that continue to attract crowds. Other In 1968, a postage stamp was issued in India commemorating the 61st birth anniversary of Singh. Commonly thought to be born on either 27 or 28 September 1907, some biographers believe that the evidence points to 19 October 1907. This combination made his throat too sore to permit entry of the feeding tube. Certain Sikh groups periodically attempt to reclaim Bhagat Singh as a Sikh based on Randhir Singh's writings. Archived from on 30 September 2015. The Times of India. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. Archived from on 30 September 2015. 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